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SOCIAL PATHOLOGY AT IMPASSE: THE DILEMMA OF TREATMENT PROGRAMS

BY CAL EASTERLING, PH.D. Associate Professor of Sociology Oral Roberts University (COPYRIGHT 1998) THE WILD GOOSE CHASE The medicalization of deviance (Foucault, 1963) refers to the identification as diseases or illnesses patterns of behavior that were previously considered in moral terms. Herbert Spencer (1898) viewed society as analogous to a living organism. A problem or "disease" in one part of the organism affects the entire organism. Early sociologists built on this idea and arrived at the conclusion that deviant behavior could be thought of as "social disease" (Durkheim, 1925) and "social pathology" (Mills, 1943; Lemert, 1951). "Pathology" is a medical term that indicates the interpretation and diagnosis of disease and the changes caused by disease. The early social pathologists were concerned with crime, mental illness, drug abuse, and suicide. Today this list has been expanded to include alcoholism, stress, smoking, child abuse, obsessive-compulsive tendencies, pedophilia, spouse beating, spiritual abuse, over-eating, under-eating, marital difficulty, compulsive gambling, divorce adjustment, compulsive shopping, bereavement, trichotillomania, rape, Vietnam veterans, depression, post-partum depression, physical unattractiveness, anxiety and panic-attacks, sexual addictions, cross-dressing, co-dependency, mood-swings, and many other behaviors. There is a tendency to treat such "ailments" in a hospital or clinical setting. Undoubtedly, the hospitals and clinics benefit monetarily from treatment programs, and some individuals and families are aided by the treatment. To the extent that they ameliorate suffering and facilitate economic growth, treatment programs may be regarded as functional for society. Overall and in the long-term, however, the trend toward the medicalization of deviance can be thought of as dysfunctional (Merton, 1968) in several ways. FIDDLING WHILE ROME BURNS Whatever Became of Sin? The medicalization of deviance removes responsibility from the individual. According to Talcott Parsons' (1953; 1975) "sick role" concept, sick people are not responsible for their conditions. Being sick is unpleasant and becoming sick is not a matter of moral choice. People are "stricken" by sickness through no fault of their own. Those who become sick, therefore, are not to be blamed or punished for their maladies. Popular entertainer Flip Wilson performed a celebrated comedy routine in which he would use as his excuse for outlandish stunts, "The devil made me do it!" It rang true to his audiences because of the hesitancy of most of us to accept the blame for our own actions. Psychiatrist Karl Menninger (1973) wrote a book entitled Whatever Became of Sin? in which he decries the all-too-common cop-out "It's not my fault." He insists that as adults, each of us is responsible for the deeds done in her own body. Blaming behavioral problems on a genetic "predisposition" or chemical imbalance or on one's parents, employer, etc., though at times there may be some basis for such claims, implies a biological or psychological determinism that is not entirely satisfactory for most social scientists. The Social Nature of "Dysfunctional Behaviors" The medicalization of deviance also removes responsibility from the society which continues the perpetual production of perpetrators of deviance. Even though a particular treatment program should actually help an individual or family, it will not have changed the social system which originally produced the problem. Medicalized deviance may be an individual's problem in a narrow context, but it is at root a social problem. Jeffrey Reiman (1979) has stated that the failure to focus on the social responsibility for deviance literally acquits the existing social system (hence, its oligarchic or Plutocratic leadership) of any charge of injustice. Let us use the problem of alcoholism to illustrate this principle. Society allows the advertising of alcoholic products. There have been wars that were fought but never declared, such as the Korean and Vietnam "conflicts." There have been wars that were declared but never fought, like the War on Poverty and the War on Drugs. How can we say that the War on Drugs has not been fought? Isn't there a Drug Czar appointed by the President and a huge Drug Enforcement Agency? Yes, but the War on Drugs does not aim at alcohol, which is the drug of choice in the United States, including the White House, Calvin Coolidge having been the only United States president in this century who was a teetotaler. The advertising of smoke tobacco products on television and radio was banned in the United States in 1971. There was a decrease in the number of new smokers in 1972 and the decline has continued every year since. Today, smoking (with the recent exception of cigar smoking) has virtually become socially unacceptable and legislative statutes as well as voluntary efforts are creating smoke-free environments for work, dining, study, and recreation. Law-suits against the large tobacco companies are driving them to diversify their investment of capital to non-tobacco industries or to market their tobacco products in the Third World. John Macionis (1992) has said, "The American tobacco industry is not breathing as easily as it once did." Why have we not done the same with alcohol? Tobacco related deaths number over 300,000 per year in the United States, due to a variety of diseases, including heart disease, cancer of the mouth, throat, and lungs, bronchitis, and emphysema. This is indeed reprehensible, but far more damage is done to our society by alcohol abuse, in terms of automobile accidents, broken homes and careers, child abuse, and violent criminal acts, than tobacco or any other drug-- including marijuana, heroin, cocaine, and speed. Eighty percent of all fire deaths, 65 percent of drownings, and 70 percent of fatal falls are related to alcohol use (Feagin & Feagin, 1990). In the workplace, alcoholism is responsible for absenteeism, excessive medical bills, and poor job performance, making it the most costly type of substance addiction. The giants of the alcohol industry, such as Anheuser-Busch, Coors, and Philip-Morris (Miller Brewing), spend billions of dollars on advertising in order to convince the public that alcohol drinking is respectable and socially desirable (Feagin & Feagin, 1990). Much of the marketing has been directed at young people, the obvious purpose being to secure a new generation of users. These corporations, in their profit-oriented activities, have been responsible for getting many Americans addicted to dangerous substances. A simple ban on alcohol advertisements on television and radio would benefit our society far into the next century. This could result in a true War on Drugs. Formidable opposition to such a proposal could be expected from the beer and wine producers and distributors, the advertising agencies with alcohol clients, and the owners of television and radio networks and stations. Past attempts at prohibition have failed. The right to sell and consume alcoholic products is not in question; but is it really necessary to promote and advocate alcohol consumption? Similar reports could be related about numerous additional medicalized deviancies, amply illustrating the social nature of so-called dysfunctional behaviors. Bonum Ex Nocentibus The medicalization of deviance ignores certain economic deterministic truths of the social inequality inherent in a market- driven economic system. In the United States, 80 percent of the wealth (money and goods--including real estate and stock ownership) is held by the top 1/5 of the population, whereas the bottom 1/5 control no wealth at all (United States Bureau of the Census, 1990). One is reminded of Adam Smith's (1776/1937) great paradox of bonum ex nocentibus ("a good product from an evil source"). He claimed that "from individual self-interest and the personal pursuit of profit comes the greatest good for the greatest number of people." By this Smith meant that in the process of self-interested entrepreneurship, many jobs are generated and essential or desirable commodities are made accessible to the public through the production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services. The profits themselves are subsequently diffused throughout the economy by means of spending and further investment. The paradox stems from the nature of "self- interest" or selfishness, the heart of which is avarice--greed--the love of money, the root of all evil (St. Paul, 65). One can argue that many social problems identified as individual deviations from societal norms are actually outgrowths of the pursuit of profits, legal or illegal, ethical or unethical. Consider the drug trade, the liquor and liquor service industries, the pornography industry, the tobacco companies, the various weapons manufacturers, the credit card companies, and the casino industry. Do the captains of these enterprises really care at all about the well-being of individuals and families, or only about their own continued profits at others' expense? The Placebos of False Consciousness The medicalization of deviance contributes to what Marx called "false consciousness" (1867/1983) by hiding from view the "class consciousness" that would reveal the underlying root causes (radix) (Feagin & Feagin, 1990) of deviance-related social problems. The opiates of the masses (sport, television, alcohol, religion, etc.) detract the public's attention from the exploitation and alienation that lie at the heart of society's problems. The myriads of (predominately "for profit") treatment programs produce the convincing illusion that something worthwhile is being done about society's "behavioral problems." The use of the word "treatment" is particularly deceptively comforting because it gives the impression that the problem is being "treated;" i.e., alleviated, assuaged, "taken care of," and by professionals, no less. "Oh well, we have a treatment program for that, so let's worry about this other problem." One person's efforts at recycling may not save a forest, but if one tree can be saved the endeavor will have been worthwhile. The essence of the problem, however, does not lie in the lack of recycling effort, but in the destruction of forests. If one compulsive gambler is effectively assisted by a treatment program, it will have served a constructive purpose, but it will not have prevented the creation of many more compulsive gamblers. Treatment programs, unfortunately, do not prevent the creation of millions more child abusers, pedophiles, spouse beaters, over-eaters, under-eaters, drug addicts, alcoholics, rapists, and suicidal individuals, ad infinitum. Out of the Frying Pan... The treatment programs resulting from the medicalization of deviance turn the individuals "treated" back into the same social milieu in which the problem was incubated in the first place (Glassner & Freedman, 1979). Clinical sociologists and sociological practitioners point out that the "treated" individual will likely once again be subjected to the same underachieving kids, nagging spouse, exploiting boss, stacks of unpaid bills, and negative media reporting. In the case of alcohol, she will view the same commercials and advertisements which strongly advocate the use of the substance. She may still associate with the same friends and drinking-buddies she had before treatment, and her society will still baptize the use of the substance as a proper means of the ceremonial observance of weddings, wakes, anniversaries, and other celebrations and holidays. The individual will likely have already been labeled as deviant and entered into secondary deviance through a paradigm shift in her self-concept. The struggle to become unstigmatized after having spent several years in a deviant career can be a dreadfully perplexing experience. The few widely-heralded success stories applauded in the media do not adequately reflect the reality of repeat offenses after "treatment" and the extent of reversion to deviant status. The "success rates" of certain treatment programs (such as those dealing with pedophiles) are near zero percent. Monetary and Social Costs of the Micro-level Focus In addition to draining the individual's and the family's resources, the expensive, temporary, isolated treatment of individuals inflicts a severe non-cost-effective depletion on societal income. Individual-oriented treatment programs absorb resources that could be used for the transformation of society toward a more just and equitable model. Such a transformation would involve minimizing racism, sexism, ageism, economic inequality, and moral/spiritual depravity. The social costs of not implementing a deeply-rooted social overhaul will be tremendous. Entire future generations will remain chained to addictions, abuses, exploitation, and insufficient social resources to maintain a state of relative health--physical, mental, and emotional well-being. The continued focus on micro-level solutions for society-wide problems will reinforce the abiding endurance of these problems throughout perpetuity. The Vested Interest Leviathan The medicalization of deviance creates a vested interest (Veblen, 1919) industry of politically and economically influential professionals whose very training and careers depend upon the treatment of individuals. The treatment programs which arise to meet the "challenge" are usually associated with clinics and hospitals that are hungry for expansion of services to enhance market share and therefore profits from individuals and insurance companies. Not only are the perpetrators and victims said to require treatment, but also the families of both perpetrators and victims. This tendency is economically beneficial to the hospitals and clinics, their stockholders, therapists/physicians, and employees, their advertising agencies, the advertising media, and the pharmaceutical companies with chemical "solutions" for virtually every problem. CONCLUSION The medicalization of deviance has constructed a system of individualized micro-level treatment programs that can be beneficial on a limited basis for a few individuals and their families. We should not be satisfied with such a social arrangement, however, because it tends to treat only the symptoms but does not change the society of which they are but indicative emanations. Like the application of topical salve on a cancer the roots of which are in the bone marrow, the blood, or an internal organ, the process is an expensive exercise in futility. REFERENCES Durkheim, Emile. (1925). L'education morale. Paris. Presses Universitaires de France. Feagin, Joe R. & Feagin, Clairece Booher. (1990). Social problems: A critical power-conflict perspective. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Prentice-Hall. Foucault, Michel. (1963). The birth of the clinic: Archaeology of medical perception. New York. Vintage Books. Glassner, Barry & Freedman, Jonathan A. (1979). Clinical sociology. New York. Longman. Lemert, Edwin M. (1951). Social pathology: A systematic approach to the theory of sociopathic behavior. New York. McGraw-Hill. Macionis, John J. (1992). Society: The basics. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Prentice-Hall. Marx, Karl. (1867/1983). Das kapital, Volume I. New York. Penguin Books. Menninger, Karl. (1973). Whatever became of sin?. New York. Hawthorn Books. Merton, Robert K. (1968). Social theory and social structure. New York. Free Press. Mills, C. Wright. (1943). The professional ideology of social pathologists. American journal of sociology. 49. 165-180. Parsons, Talcott. (1953). Illness and the role of the physician: A sociological perspective. In Kluckhohn, Clyde, & Murray, Henry A. (Eds.). Personality in nature, society, and culture. New York. Knopf. 609-617. Parsons, Talcott. (1975). The sick role and the role of the physician reconsidered. Milbank memorial fund quarterly: Health and society. 53. Summer. 257-278. Reiman, Jeffrey H. (1979). The rich get richer and the poor get prison. New York. John Wiley & Sons. Smith, Adam. (1776/1937). An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. New York. The Modern Library. Spencer, Herbert. (1898). The principles of sociology. New York. D. Appleton and Company. St. Paul. (65 A.D.). The first epistle to Timothy. Macedonia. United States Bureau of the Census. (1990). Money income and poverty status of families and persons in the United States. ashington, D.C. United States Government Printing Office. Veblen, Thorstein Bunde. (1919). The vested interests and the common man. New York. New American Library.

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